An Appraisal of the Chilean Fisheries Sector (AGRICULTURE ET)

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Strengthened legislative requirements for auditing both social and environmental elements of seafood will provide greater support for seafood traceability organisations and seafood retailers to address labour practices. Incorporating labour practices in national supply chain policy and legislation would provide consumers with confidence that their seafood is both sustainable and ethically caught.

Initiatives led by business that promote supply chain transparency inclusive of labour conditions can provide consumers with assurances that the seafood they purchase is at low-risk of modern slavery in its supply chain and motivate industry partners and competitors to improve their labour practices. Increasing consumer awareness of the implications of their seafood choices needs to build on the work of NGOs such as the Marine Stewardship Council and Monterey Bay Aquarium in promoting sustainable seafood, and Fair Trade International in providing ethically produced products in other industries such as coffee.

Enforcement and traceability can be bolstered through the use of technology, by reducing enforcement and detection costs, and by automating and safeguarding information flows within supply chains. This is relevant to both governments and businesses wanting to establish better governance in their fisheries labour markets. For example, identification for fishers based on facial recognition, fingerprint identification, and the use of encryption algorithms such as blockchain technology can help simplify and render tamper-proof otherwise convoluted registration processes that are critical to:.

Increasing transparency around crewing arrangements in the industry a strategy currently being piloted in the context of trafficked children 25 , and reducing the invisibility of crews. Subsidies support fishing that is no longer profitable by reducing capital and operating costs, thus sustaining fleet overcapacity and competition for already depleted resources.

The capping or elimination of harmful subsidies, in conjunction with reduced fleet capacity, will ease pressure on already over-exploited marine resources and reduce a key driver of labour exploitation. In conjunction with subsidy reduction, halting the current decline in global fisheries will require reducing industrial capacity e. Concurrently promoting the development and empowerment of sustainable and well-managed small-scale fisheries, especially in coastal developing countries, will increase the availability of sustainable livelihoods in fishing.

1. Introduction

For instance, funds from harmful subsidies could be directed towards the creation and maintenance of marine protected areas in coastal waters, which will promote rebuilding of vulnerable fish stocks. Tighter and better enforced restrictions on industrial fishing on the high seas would reduce the complexity and cost of policing fisheries-related and labour crimes in the remotest areas of the oceans.

The high seas are those areas of the oceans over which no individual country has territorial jurisdiction, and oversight of fishing operations, including the monitoring of labour practices, is normally limited by both capacity and the scale of the area to be monitored. While challenging, both practically and politically, tighter restrictions on high seas fishing by international fleets would increase the share of revenue captured by developing coastal nations, contributing to a reduction in the vulnerability of the populations currently at most risk of modern slavery.

Aquaculture Documentary by the Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Fisheries in Kenya

Overview G20 Countries Fishing Cocoa. A migrant worker seen through a window of a fishing boat that is docked in Thailand. Many migrants see little chance in Burma for a life of proper employment and so many make the choice to contact a broker that could help them get across the border illegally to work in Thailand as hotel staff or fishermen.

What are the risk factors for modern slavery in the fishing industry? A dependence on distant water fishing. High levels of vessel and fuel subsidies provided by the national government. Relatively low per capita GDP of the fishing country. Low productivity fisheries have a more pressing need to reduce labour costs, as these are one of the few remaining costs that are not externally fixed.

This represents weak fisheries governance and a lack of legal oversight. Illegal fishing, a major component of unreported fishing, causes billions of dollars in losses to economies around the world each year, and poorly managed fisheries are lawless markets. Table 1 Fishing countries classified by National Fisheries Policy catch outside EEZ, distant water fishing, and subsidies , and Wealth and Institutional Capacity GDP per capita, value landed per fisher, and unreported landings Recommendations: Reducing modern slavery in the fishing industry Almost all countries either catch or consume fish, and fishing plays a pivotal role in the livelihoods of millions of people around the world.

Governments and businesses need to focus on the following combination of strategies: 1. Establish a platform that enables labour standards to be protected Minimum international standards for working conditions should be mandatory and enforced so that migrant workers can be sure of benefiting from employment in fishing.

Table of Contents

Recognise and respond to modern slavery in fisheries as serious and organised crime Forced labour, slavery, and debt bondage in the fishing industry clearly fall within the recognised definition of serious crime, undertaken by organised criminal groups. Tracking the international movements of vulnerable fishers. Recognise and address the link between subsidies, industrial over-capacity, and labour abuses Subsidies support fishing that is no longer profitable by reducing capital and operating costs, thus sustaining fleet overcapacity and competition for already depleted resources.

Environmental Justice Foundation , Where is the horizon? Trafficked on fishing vessels. Available from: www. International Organization for Migration , In African waters. Peru now established itself as the third most important scallop aquaculture producer worldwide 3. Chilean landings peaked in Fig. After the failure of different fisheries management regulations e. This practice nevertheless allowed for the development of the scallop industry, since high initial investment costs for scallop spat would otherwise have slowed down its growth Stotz A dozen small companies were formed including some former scallop fishermen seeking an alternative to their previous—now restricted—activities.

Total aquaculture production of A. The production—exclusively based on suspended culture techniques—fluctuated, reached its maximum in Fig. Due to low international prices, low local aquaculture output and high production costs, Chile was displaced from respective markets by Peru, and Chilean producers have since shifted their focus towards national markets SONAPESCA Fishermen migrated towards Pisco from other coastal fishing centres, in order to take advantage of the scallop boom Wolff Sometimes, the areas are fenced with fishing nets to prevent movement of scallops Wolff Seed supply, however, often represented a bottleneck for these activities, because seed from natural spatfall was scarce in the subsequent years, and only a few companies have been able to produce scallop seed in hatcheries.

This movement, however, did not last long. Since the authorization of concessions for sea ranching was suspended in the Pisco region, scallop fishermen soon started migrating again to the north and scallop production steadily increased in Sechura Bay through the period of — Badjeck Soon, they began transferring small scallop seed from natural banks i.

Fishery subsidies: the interaction between science and policy | SpringerLink

Since then, those originally informal areas were gradually recognized and additional areas officially allocated to artisanal fishermen cooperatives Organizaciones Sociales de Pescadores artesanales , OSPA for the purpose of scallop sea ranching. From initially three in , these areas grew in number to in Mendo Sechura Bay is located at the northern edge of the HCS, where colder waters from the south mix with warmer waters from equatorial currents. These conditions likely favour scallop growth in Sechura Bay when compared to the locations in the south.

In fact, growth of A. The Chilean scallop industry is currently undergoing severe economic problems, due to declining international prices and the competition from countries with low production costs and massive production—such as Peru Ulloa After a highly profitable period — for Chilean producers, international prices fell by The differences in production costs can mainly be explained by the fact that in Chile, scallops are produced in suspended aquaculture, while sea ranching is the predominant technique applied in Peru.

Suspended cultures require a comparatively high initial investment for materials e. Above all, a complex administrative structure with several management levels of increases costs of scallop producing companies. The Peruvian technique of sea ranching, in contrast, can often be started without larger investments, since net structures are not required. Members of the farmer cooperatives monitor scallops after their placement on the sea bottom, and guardians living on boats installed within culture areas prevent poaching. Cooperatives only rely on external help during harvest, for which they sometimes but not necessarily contract additional divers.

Although no formal studies exist, people involved in the development of aquaculture in Chile researchers, entrepreneurs, employees, divers, etc. The intents to control both, predation and movement, with fences, only produced an accumulation of scallops along fences, which ended up facilitating predation. For this reason, only suspended cultures, preventing predation, were developed and maintained in Chile. The difference in the source of scallop seed represents a further factor influencing production costs.

In Chile, extraction of scallops from the natural environment was banned in Stotz , forcing culturists to obtain seed from hatcheries or through seed collectors from the natural environment. In contrast, scallop farmer cooperatives in Sechura Bay mainly use seed collected from natural banks i. In conclusion, total production costs are much higher for suspended cultures used in Chile than for the techniques applied in Peru. This likely drove the decrease in competitiveness of Chilean production entities e. Scallop production in Chile and Peru also developed differently with respect to societal conditions.

By comparison, Chilean companies were formed by capital owners of diverse origin, employing technical and professional personnel, while the original fishermen were only occasionally hired for maritime and diving activities. All occurred with a great influence from Japan donated infrastructure, financed formation of technicians and professionals in Japan, courses and technological transfer by Japanese professionals in Chile, etc. In the beginning, the lack of local industries able to provide the required materials made it necessary to import those from Japan.

High international prices, as well as the support by the Chilean government maintaining a permanent ban of wild scallop fisheries, financing diverse development projects and levelling off administrative and legal difficulties , sustained this development at the beginning. Peruvian legislation moreover fostered the migration of fishermen towards the region of Sechura through temporarily prohibiting scallop extraction along the entire Peruvian coast in law R.

Traditionally, seasonal migration along the coast represented an important livelihood option for fishermen Badjeck , thus moving north was a natural response to the detection of scallop banks there.

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In Sechura, by contrast, it is the many scallop fishermen themselves who brought expertise to the region and started the operations. The accessibility of large, shallow areas within the bay and comparatively low initial costs as discussed above facilitated this development.

The regulatory and political framework responded in a relatively slow process: only a few management regulations were formulated so far e. This is reflected by their prominent role in the social network surrounding the scallop operations Fig. At present, the entire business in Sechura involves about artisanal fishermen in scallop farmer cooperatives , while the activity creates income to ca.

Proleon, pers. Following sanitary improvements in Sechura i. At the same time, a direct link from the region to international markets was established through the construction of processing plants, allowing Sechura to conduct all steps of the processing process including final processing for the export. Prior to this development, only plants for the simple shucking of scallops existed in the region, while final processing for export had to be done in other locations, retarding export competitiveness.

Still, only two companies in Sechura currently hold a permission to export scallops Mendo International market demands for large scallop individuals i. This trend may have indirectly ensured harvest of individuals at a size above maturity, which incentivized sustainable harvest practices.

Fishery Improvement Project

For example, if bacteria e. Scallop farmers were observed to report on other cooperatives that were illegally harvesting scallops in closed areas with the catch presumably being declared as originating from a different area of the bay, thus eluding the ban , which ultimately forces compliance first author, pers. The compliance with international sanitary production standards and traceability aspects, e. Our review of the historical development of scallop production in the region of Peru and Chile made it clear that several interacting factors played a role for the specific conditions observed in both places, and particularly in Sechura Bay.

Decreasing the dependency on natural banks, e. These latest regulations were developed with representatives of the scallop farmer cooperatives in a participatory manner.

  1. Services on Demand;
  2. Policy and Governance Presentations.
  3. 1. Introduction.
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Obtaining scallop seed from hatcheries may allow diversification of seed sources, though hatchery output is not necessarily constant and may impoverish the genetic diversity of the stock. With the currently low natural seed supply, scallop farmers put increasing pressure on local authorities to provide money for the construction of more hatcheries Cabrera Campos b.

The question whether a solution will be found and whether this will affect Peruvian production costs will likely drive future profitability at regional and international levels. For Chile, seed supply—either obtained from the environment or hatcheries—seems assured, though production is variable. Controlling and—if required—limiting the access to parts of natural scallop populations could, for example, be achieved through the implementation and enforcement of spatial refugia i.